Wikipedia:Wikipedia Signpost/2015-10-21/From the editors
We live in a harsh, uncertain world. There's an escalating war in Syria that seems to be drawing in the entire northern hemisphere, a resulting European migrant crisis, a slow rise to the boil of the unending Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and ever more school shootings in the US. But people aren't turning to Wikipedia to comprehend these things; they're turning to Wikipedia to, well, keep up with the Kardashians, follow their latest shows, and track the latest movies. Is the world hiding from itself? Or is Wikipedia not seen as a valid source for such information? Difficult questions. But then, those are in abundance these days.
For the full top-25 list, see WP:TOP25. See this section for an explanation of any exclusions. For a list of the most edited articles of the week, see here.
As prepared by Serendipodous, for the week of October 11 to 17, the 25 most popular articles on Wikipedia, as determined from the report of the most viewed pages, were:
Rank | Article | Class | Views | Image | Notes |
---|---|---|---|---|---|
1 | Lamar Odom | 2,067,704 | At this point in their evolution, the Kardashian clan have coalesced into their own self-sustaining media ecology, independent of outside events, common sense, and perhaps even thermodynamics. The unconscious appearance of Odom, the former basketball star and divorced husband of Khloe Kardashian, at a Nevada brothel was not only enough to have him top the list, but to garner almost as many views as the next three topics combined—suggesting that a sizable portion of humanity is prepared to follow them onto their planet. | ||
2 | UEFA Euro 2016 qualifying | 746,591 | The English-speaking world has been well-served in qualifiers this year. This week's near-double jump in numbers was likely due to both Northern Ireland and Wales earning a berth at next year's finals in France. | ||
3 | Bernie Sanders | 728,853 | The junior Senator from Vermont, longest-serving Independent in US history, and self-described Democratic socialist has been for the left of American politics what Donald Trump has been for the right—the voice of angry disaffection. This week, he reappeared on this list after polls claimed he'd won this week's Democratic debate. While no one seriously expects him to win the Democratic nomination, he has provided a much-needed prod for Hillary, who has at times acted as if she was being ordained, rather than elected. | ||
4 | American Horror Story: Hotel | 723,745 | The fifth season of American Horror Story premiered on October 7. The second episode, "Chutes and Ladders", saw a decent-ish 50% drop in views from the premiere. | ||
5 | A. P. J. Abdul Kalam | 584,665 | This beloved former scientist and reluctant politician, whose death last July at the age of 83 led to him topping this list, reappeared on the week of his first post-mortem birthday. | ||
6 | Crimson Peak | 580,155 | Director Guillermo del Toro's everything-but-the-kitchen-sink Gothic romance has been declared merely "average" by critics, received a withering "B-" from the usually generous Cinemascore, and opened to a dead-on-arrival $12 million. Given this, it's interesting that it nonetheless managed to be the most viewed film of the week on Wikipedia—box office numbers have usually proved to be a good indicator of views. Perhaps it was del Toro's nerd-friendly back catalogue, or the presence of Marvel heartthrob Tom Hiddleston. | ||
7 | Pablo Escobar | 572,268 | The fascination with the Netflix series Narcos continues to keep the Capone of cocaine near the top of this list. | ||
8 | Deaths in 2015 | 538,797 | The viewing figures for this article have been remarkably constant, fluctuating week to week between 450 and 550 thousand on average. The counts are apparently heedless of who actually died. | ||
9 | The Martian (film) | 532,484 | The adaptation of Andy Weir's popular novel about an astronaut stranded on Mars (played by Matt Damon) has grossed $319 million worldwide as of October 17 on a budget of $108 million. | ||
10 | The Walking Dead (TV series) | 526,852 | The show's sixth season premièred on October 11. |
In an article in The Atlantic titled "Wikipedia's hostility to women", Emma Paling reports (October 21) on Wikipedia's gender bias, a recurring topic in media discussions of Wikipedia.
Leading with a detailed account of the gender-based and sexual harassment Lightbreather experienced prior to being site-banned in an arbitration case (see previous Signpost coverage), Paling goes on to say,
“ | Wales said when he created the site it would be based on a "culture of thoughtful, diplomatic honesty" and a "neutral point of view" – but over time, that point of view came to be dominated by whoever joined Wikipedia first and wrote the most. As a result, Wikipedia has become a kind of Internet oligarchy, where those who have been around the longest have the most control.
"Most people look at Wikipedia, and see the text, and assume that it's unproblematically produced by volunteers and always on a trajectory to improvement," said Julia Adams, a sociologist at Yale University who's studying how academic knowledge is portrayed on Wikipedia. "But that is simply not the case." ArbCom is a prime example. Because ArbCom members are mostly male, biases appear in the committee's decision-making, said Molly White, an editor who goes by GorillaWarfare on Wikipedia and is one of ArbCom's two female members. ArbCom members also tend to be white, formally educated, and from the global north, she added. "I don't think anyone on the Arbitration Committee is intentionally trying to keep women and other minorities out of Wikipedia, but I do think that the decisions sometimes have that effect," White said. |
” |
Paling notes, correctly, that the Wikimedia Foundation has come nowhere near realising its 2011 goal to increase female participation to 25 percent; even in the Foundation's Inspire campaign, specifically designed to look for proposals to address Wikipedia's gender gap, only 34 per cent of those who submitted ideas identified as female, according to Paling. The imbalance affects content as well as the editing climate, Paling says, quoting again Julia Adams:
“ | When institutions like Wikipedia "involve systematic distortion, then we get farther and farther away from accurate understandings of the world," said Adams. "And that presents all kinds of problems – some of them trivial, some of them quite big." | ” |
Paling cites "Categorygate" (see previous Signpost coverage) as one example of this, and describes efforts led by editors like Emily Temple-Wood to address gender-related gaps in Wikipedia's coverage.
However, challenging the status quo on Wikipedia is no easy task, Paling notes.
“ | All the Wikipedia contributors interviewed said that if a woman wants to last as an editor on the site, there are certain fights she just doesn't pick.
"When you put 'feminism' in anything on Wikipedia, all hell breaks loose," said [Sarah] Stierch. "I've been called a Feminazi more times than I can count." "The lunatics are running the asylum," she added. "And the non-profit that operates it can't even control them. What do you do when you don't have a principal to tell all the kids to behave?" |
” |
Paling's article sparked voluminous discussions on the Gender Gap mailing list, on Jimmy Wales' talk page and in the "Wikipedia Weekly" group on Facebook. These discussions among Wikipedians identified a number of errors of fact that were subsequently corrected in the article.
Latest tech news from the Wikimedia technical community. Please tell other users about these changes. Not all changes will affect you. Translations are available.
Recent changes
Tech News is trying to make reading the newsletter easier. The icon means the item is in the newsletter every week, but with new dates. The icon means the item is mainly relevant for readers with technical knowledge. You can leave feedback on this change.
Timestamps in the protection log will now be in the user's timezone. Previously they would show Coordinated Universal Time (UTC). [1]
Problems
A problem with MediaWiki made some pages show no content on October 14. This has now been fixed. [2]
Some templates were misplaced in the Flow description bar. This could make it impossible to click on links. This will be fixed this week. [3]
The deployment of the new MediaWiki version was stopped on October 14. No new code was deployed for the rest of week. This meant planned changes did not happen. [4]
Changes this week
Changes that were planned to happen last week will happen this week. [5]
Wikispecies, Meta and MediaWiki.org will be able to use Wikidata for sitelinks. [6][7][8][9]
Meetings
Tech news prepared by tech ambassadors and posted by bot • Contribute • Translate • Get help • Give feedback • Subscribe or unsubscribe.
Wikipedia:Wikipedia Signpost/2015-10-21/Essay Wikipedia:Wikipedia Signpost/2015-10-21/Opinion
As reported on October 23 by Ars Technica, The Guardian, TechDirt, The Baltimore Sun, Gizmodo and others, the case brought by the Wikimedia Foundation and others against the National Security Agency (see previous Signpost coverage) has been dismissed on standing grounds.
Judge T. S. Ellis III (misidentified in Wikipedia and by Ars Technica as Richard D. Bennett), who had also presided over the lawsuit's first hearing last month, said in his memorandum opinion (available here) that the suit relied on "the subjective fear of surveillance". He also critiqued various aspects of the plaintiffs' statistical analysis, which sought to demonstrate that Wikipedia traffic must have been caught up in NSA data collection. Ellis characterized said analysis as "mathematical gymnastics", "incomplete and riddled with assumptions":
“ | In short, plaintiffs' assumption appears to be the product of reverse engineering; plaintiffs first defined the conclusion they sought – virtual certainty – and then worked backwards to find a figure that would lead to that conclusion. Mathematical gymnastics of this sort do not constitute "sufficient factual matter" to support a "plausible allegation". | ” |
Ellis' dismissal of the case was in large part based on the United States Supreme Court's 5–4 majority decision in Clapper v. Amnesty International USA:
“ | As already discussed, although plaintiffs have alleged facts that plausibly establish that the NSA uses Upstream surveillance at some number of chokepoints, they have not alleged facts that plausibly establish that the NSA is using Upstream surveillance to copy all or substantially all communications passing through those chokepoints. In this regard, plaintiffs can only speculate, which Clapper forecloses as a basis for standing. | ” |
In conclusion, Ellis asserted that any concern that the principles established in Clapper would immunize surveillance from scrutiny was misplaced: "no government surveillance program is immunized from judicial scrutiny", Ellis said, enumerating several ways in which such scrutiny can take place, for example through the non-public reviews performed by the United States Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court, or when surveillance results are used in a criminal prosecution.
Ellis concluded by saying that
“ | establishing standing to challenge section 702 in a civil case is plainly difficult. But such difficulty comes with the territory. It is not a flaw of a classified program that standing to challenge that program is not easily established; it is a constitutional requirement essential to separation of powers. | ” |
Commenting on Ellis' argument that government surveillance programs were subject to judicial scrutiny whenever the intelligence gleaned was used in criminal proceedings, Techdirt's Mike Masnick pointed out that the U.S. government has in the past failed to make the appropriate disclosures in such cases:
“ | The court also rejects the idea that this kind of ruling means that the Upstream program can never face judicial review, pretending that the fact that the FISA court reviewed it (without any adversarial party) is enough ... and (again, incorrectly) that criminal defendants prosecuted with information collected under the program can challenge said collection. And, yes, it's true that the DOJ has now said that it will start informing defendants, but it didn't for years.
The ACLU is, not surprisingly, upset by the ruling, and I imagine it will be appealed soon. |
” |
ACLU National Security Project staff attorney Patrick Toomey, who argued the case pro bono on behalf of the plaintiffs, said,
“ | The court has wrongly insulated the NSA's spying from meaningful judicial scrutiny. | ” |
On its website, the ACLU said, in part,
“ | Today’s ruling cites the Supreme Court’s decision in a previous ACLU lawsuit challenging the NSA’s warrantless wiretapping program, Clapper v. Amnesty. The Supreme Court dismissed that case in February 2013 in a 5–4 vote on the grounds that the plaintiffs could not prove that they had been spied on.
Following Clapper, documents released by Edward Snowden and official government disclosures revealed the breadth of upstream surveillance. Unlike the surveillance considered by the Supreme Court in Clapper, upstream surveillance is not limited to the communications of NSA targets. Instead, the NSA is searching the content of nearly all text-based Internet traffic entering or leaving the country – as well as many domestic communications – looking for thousands of key terms such as email addresses or phone numbers. |
” |
The Wikimedia Foundation released a statement on its blog, saying in part:
“ | Judge T.S. Ellis III, the presiding judge, dismissed the case on standing grounds. The court held that our complaint did not plausibly allege that the NSA was monitoring our or other plaintiffs’ communications. Additionally, the court referenced the U.S. Supreme Court decision in Clapper v. Amnesty International, although, in our opinion, the facts before the court were dramatically different from the ones that were before the Supreme Court in Amnesty.
We respectfully disagree with the Court's decision to dismiss. There is no question that Upstream surveillance captures the communications of both the user community and the Wikimedia Foundation itself. We believe that our claims have merit. In consultation with our lawyers at the ACLU, we will review the decision and expect to appeal to the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals. |
” |
An October 15 post on the Wikimedia-l mailing list announced the launch of the
“ | Wikimedia Affiliates mailing list, which is basically a place for all the affiliates (chapters, thematic organizations, user groups) to discuss issues related to affiliates, make announcements to other affiliates, and collaborate on activities and community-wide events. The idea is to help facilitate the dialogue affiliates across our movement, plus collaborative discussions like community-wide activities, joint edit-a-thons, regional conferences, blog/report posts, or other communications from affiliates.
Each Wikimedia movement affiliate is allocated three spots on the mailing list. All affiliates may contact the Affiliations Committee to request additional spots if needed. |
” |
The announcement sparked a considerable amount of debate as to whether another mailing list was necessary or desirable.
Wikipedia:Wikipedia Signpost/2015-10-21/Serendipity
How does the public learn about science? How do you? Most basic science literacy comes from primary and secondary school education. Of course, college can offer more formal scientific training, and, perhaps you got some of that, too. Yet, even if you are a practicing researcher, even if you are a world leading expert in this or that field, even still, science as a whole is bigger and mercilessly more diverse than your expertise will ever be. It turns out that, in many ways, you are just like everybody else and you read the science section of your favorite newspaper or magazine, maybe watch a science show, or listen to a science podcast.
Yet, in those more serious or desperate moments, when the stakes are really high, perhaps challenged over coffee as to when the Cambrian Explosion started, you turn to Wikipedia. But why? Teachers say you can’t trust it. You certainly can’t cite it in your senior thesis. Don’t even mention it in a scholarly, scientific, article submitted for peer review. So when you think you know about the Cambrian explosion and egos are at stake, can you turn to Wikipedia?
You can. In a recent study (currently under review), my colleagues Misha Teplitsky, Grace Lu, and I looked at the world’s 50 largest Wikipedias (the English language Wikipedia is just one of hundreds) to learn about the sources of the scientific information contained in them and whether those sources are reputable.
First, what would count as reputable? Well, satisfying answers to this question are notoriously nuanced. Here is a far too simplistic answer: a source is more reputable than another source if the former is relied on by scientists and scholars more than the latter. Journals can, in fact, be ranked in this way by an imperfect metric known as “impact factor” which is, put simply, the average number of times articles from that journal are cited in the literature. So, journals with high impact factors are relied on more than journals with low impact factors.
Now, when you edit Wikipedia to include a claim (as opposed to correcting grammar or spelling), you are required by Wikipedia’s guidelines to substantiate that edit by referencing a reliable source. For a pop or indie music claim, reliable sources might be Billboard or Pitchfork respectively. For a science related claim, a reliable source would simply be one that a practicing researcher is likely to cite in a scholarly paper, and that citation is likely to come from a scholarly, scientific journal.
Nevertheless, when it comes to science edits to Wikipedia, there has been some debate about whether the sources that are referenced are, in fact, reliable. And, this debate turns on a question about access to reliability.
Access to scholarly, scientific journals is either open or closed. Open-access journals make all of their published research freely available to anyone who cares to read it. Closed access journals sit behind paywalls and require extremely expensive subscriptions in order to read them. These subscriptions are so expensive that really only institutions of higher education and large companies with research and development arms have them. The intuition that motivates the debate about the reliability of referenced sources on Wikipedia is that the journals that are most heavily cited (that is, the journals with the highest impact factors) are almost uniformly “closed access”. So, the intuition continues, if you are a member of the general public making a science edit to Wikipedia, chances are you do not have access to the most heavily relied on sources and, in order to substantiate your claim, you will need to turn to something else.
To figure out whether this intuition hold for actual Wikipedia edits, we first turned to Elsevier’s Scopus database. This database indexes more than 20,000 peer reviewed scientific and scholastic journals. These are the journals that practicing researchers turn to. Of the journals indexed by Scopus, about 15% are classified as open-access.
Next, we looked at every reference on every page of each of the world’s 50 largest Wikipedias (the English-language version alone has about 5 million articles) to determine whether the reference cites a scholarly journal. When they did, we tried to match those journals to a journal represented in our pool of reputable sources indexed by Scopus. It turns out that, of the citations in Wikipedia that used a journal as a reference, we were able to match the majority to a journal indexed by Scopus. So, when Wikipedia editors make contributions to science topics, they tend to cite the same journals that practicing scientists cite.
Things get more interesting when you start to look at what Wikipedia editors are citing.
In the figure above, the left panel shows our pool of reputable sources; the number of articles published in the 26 major subfields of science and scholarship. If you are making a science edit to Wikipedia and you are including a citation to a reputable source, then your citation is most likely one of the articles represented in the left panel. The uneven distribution of candidate articles is rather remarkable. For instance, the arts and humanities and the social sciences do not publish nearly as frequently as, say, chemistry or physics. However, it would probably be a mistake to assume that the humanities or social sciences are somehow slower, or that they make less progress than chemistry or physics. What is reflected here are merely publication conventions. For one thing, papers in the social sciences tend to be quite long and chemistry papers tend to be quite short.
Yet, look at the right panel of the figure. This panel shows the percentage of the papers represented in the left panel that are actually distilled into content and referenced on Wikipedia. A considerably higher proportion of the reputable social sciences and humanities sources make it into Wikipedia. This could be an indication of many things. One might be that there is significantly more demand for citations from the social sciences than from chemistry. Perhaps Wikipedia editors require that claims to social science articles be substantiated with more citations than, say, a claim about the start of the Cambrian Explosion. This asymmetry opens up a whole space of intriguing questions, some of which my collaborators and I are looking into.
Primarily, the single biggest predictor of a journal’s appearance in Wikipedia is its impact factor – the higher the better. Yet, a really exciting finding to pop out of the data is that, for any given journal, those that are designated as open-access are 47% more likely to appear in Wikipedia than comparable closed access journals. It looks like Wikipedia editors are putting a premium on open access. It is important to emphasize that this does not mean that Wikipedia editors are citing “open-access” journals more often than closed access journals. What seems to really matter most to Wikipedia editors is impact factor. Nevertheless, when given a choice between journals of highly similar impact factors, Wikipedia editors are significantly more likely to select the open-access option.
There are so many possible reasons for this. Perhaps the open nature of Wikipedia itself inspires a kind of preference for similarly open resources. Maybe closed-access journals actually are more likely to appear in Wikipedia than comparable open-access journals at some point in time but that these citations are later removed when a suitable open-access alternative is found.
One thing is clear, Wikipedia is serving to significantly amplify the impact that open-access publications are making beyond the scientific community – an impact on society as a whole. Previous research by James Evans has shown that, while open-access policies have a very limited impact on scientific communities in developed countries, they serve to make findings more widely available, particularly to scientific communities in developing countries. Our study shows, when scientific findings are coupled with open knowledge sharing platforms such as Wikipedia, that this widening effect is, perhaps, even more pronounced.
Eamon Duede is Executive Director of Knowledge Lab, a computational science of science research center at the University of Chicago’s Computation Institute. This article originally appeared on the Impact of Social Science blog of the London School of Economics and is republished here with permission of the author.
Wikipedia:Wikipedia Signpost/2015-10-21/In focus
Another case has been accepted at ArbCom. The case of Catflap08 and Hijiri88 has been opened on 21 October. Filing party and admin Nyttend brought the ongoing dispute between Catflap08 and Hijiri88 to the committee's attention, at which time they were both blocked from editing. A previous discussion back in April 2015 resulted in an interaction ban between the two editors, though a later discussion at the Incident noticeboard was made in August by Catflap, saying that they were being hounded by Hijiri. Hijiri's statement on the case contends that Catflap was being disruptive, adding original research to pages, and in one instance, compared Hijiri and Sturmgewehr88 to Nazis. Catflap has not edited since 29 September and is semi-retired.
While this case has just started up, there are three others open as well: Editor conduct in e-cigs articles, Palestine–Israel articles 3, and Genetically modified organisms. It was pointed out in the comments for the last ArbCom report that even though the e-cig case has had its Workshop phase closed for over a month, its Proposed decision phase has not started yet. Compare that to the Palestine–Israel case, which was accepted three weeks later and already has its Proposed decision phase up and running with arbitrators already voting. The e-cig case will be decided on eventually, but how much longer is up in the air for now.
Wikipedia:Wikipedia Signpost/2015-10-21/Humour